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<p>The 115-kilometer segment of the Main Himalayan Thrust (MHT) fault located underneath Uttarakhand is completely coupled and accumulating huge amounts of tectonic stress underground, according to a joint study conducted by researchers from IIT Bombay and several other foreign geoscientists.</p><p>The study, which was published under the name "Evidence of Strong Plate Coupling in the Uttarakhand Himalayas: Constraints from GNSS and ALOS-2 InSAR Observations," concludes that tectonic strain builds up at a speed corresponding to an 8.1 magnitude earthquake occurring once in a hundred years.</p><h2><strong>How the locked fault builds up tectonic energy</strong></h2><p>The Indian tectonic plate moves towards the Eurasian plate at the speed of 18 millimeters per year. But since the fault interface underneath Garhwal and Kumaon is locked, smooth movement is impossible.</p><p><strong>Upheaval metrics</strong>: The blocked horizontal sliding causes the upper Himalayas to move upward at the speed of 4 to 6 millimeters per year.</p><p><strong>Elastic strain buildup</strong>: Locked fault acts like a stretched rubber band, accumulating elastic strain within the Central Himalayan Seismic Gap—an area where there has been no fault clearing earthquake for hundreds of years.</p><p><strong>Data fusion</strong>: Scientists including Dibyashakti Panda, Mridul Yadav, Eric O. Lindsey and G. Srinivasa Rao utilized satellite positioning (GNSS) technology in conjunction with Japan’s ALOS-2 satellite radar interferometry to delineate the fault coupling.</p><h2><strong>A magnitude rupture will have a wider impact than just the hills</strong></h2><p>It is important to remember that a high-magnitude rupture of the MHT will affect areas far beyond just the hills. The seismic shocks would have serious implications for urban centers located in the plains.</p><p>"There can be no exact prediction about when the earthquake will happen, but the probability of a magnitude 7.5 to 8.0 event is very likely. This is something that is only a matter of time," said Dr. Naresh Kumar, geologist at the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology.</p><p>These densely populated cities such as Delhi, Lucknow, Kanpur, and Patna are constructed on an alluvial soil in the Indo-Gangetic plains. This increases their vulnerability to long-period seismic waves that are emitted from major faults ruptures.</p><h2><strong>Imperative of building code compliance and disaster preparedness</strong></h2><p>The paper stresses the importance of structural mitigation measures as an urgent need. The fast-paced urbanization of the Himalayas region without due compliance with the seismic building code makes the region vulnerable.</p><p><strong>Key administrative and structural considerations would include:</strong></p><p><strong>Mandatory audits</strong>: Structural strengthening of existing public facilities such as buildings, schools, and hospitals in high-risk seismic areas.</p><p><strong>Geological mapping</strong>: Mandatory geological audit prior to any heavy infrastructure and tourism construction in deep gorges.</p><p><strong>Sensor networks</strong>: Establishment of ground-based GNSS network in Central Seismic Gap to detect the subtle crustal deformations.</p><p> </p>

Joint research by IIT Bombay, the University of New Mexico, and the Central University of Tamil Nadu reveals that a 115-kilometer-wide section of the Main Himalayan Thrust beneath Uttarakhand is completely locked.

Uttarakhand sits on locked 115 km fault line storing strain for magnitude 8.1 quake

Uttarakhand sits on locked 115 km fault line storing strain for a magnitude 8.1 earthquake

<p>For eliminating voter duplication, the Election Commission of India (ECI) adopts a strategy comprising digitisation of voter databases, automatic matching of voter details using algorithms, and field verification by Booth Level Officers (BLOs). Post the directives issued by Uttar Pradesh Chief Electoral Officer Navdeep Rinwa prior to the publication of draft electoral roll, double registrations being detected through SIR process are being rectified by election authorities in respective districts.</p><p>1. Matching using AI through ECINET portal</p><p>Unified ECINET Portal of ECI consolidates voter lists of all states and Union territories into a single database.</p><p>Automated screening: The software algorithms match the national database to detect two anomaly reports – Photo Similar Entries (PSE) and Demographic Similar Entries (DSE).</p><p>Data matching parameters: The system detects potential matches after screening image similarity along with name, relative details, age, and address.</p><p>Review process: The Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) screen the matches and classify them as positive matches, no matches, or doubtful cases requiring physical verification.</p><p>2. Elimination of duplicate EPIC numbers</p><p>To rectify mistakes resulting out of earlier decentralized issuance process, the ECI conducted nationwide campaign for allocation of uniform EPIC numbers to voters.</p><p>The election authorities explained that the duplicate alphanumeric EPIC series was the result of overlapping administrative history and not due to the creation of fraudulent voters. The voters were assigned unique EPIC numbers after checking throughout the country.</p><p>3. Voluntary identity verification and field deletion process</p><p>As per the statutory process, an ERO cannot delete any entry solely based on matching through algorithms. Physical verification is statutorily compulsory.</p><p>Ground verification: The BLO visits the address physically and checks whether the elector actually resides there.</p><p>Statutory deletion notice: In case of duplication at different addresses or polling stations, the entry of the old address is deleted using Form 7 after serving a statutory notice to the elector.</p><p>Inter-state coordination: For cross-constituency or inter-state duplications, coordination must be obtained between the respective districts' election authorities before deletion of the record.</p>

The Election Commission of India (ECI) identifies and removes duplicate electoral roll entries by deploying its ECINET platform to generate Photo Similar Entries (PSE) and Demographic Similar Entries (DSE) reports.

How the Election Commission identifies and purges duplicate electoral roll entries

<p><span><strong>New Delhi: </strong></span><span>When three young men aged between 18 and 22 were tracked down to Kota in Rajasthan for allegedly opening fire at Bollywood actor Tiger Shroff in Mumbai’s Juhu area on Sunday (October 18), investigators were confronted with a troubling pattern in organised crime. Young men are purportedly recruited to carry out dangerous assignments for established gangsters, often at enormous personal cost. They are the underworld’s “disposable infantry”.</span></p><p><span>According to them, India’s crime syndicates use young men as foot soldiers to carry out criminal operations while gang bosses direct activities from behind the scenes.</span><span> From local outfits operating out of Haryana and Delhi to internationally operating networks such as those run by Goldy Brar and the Lawrence Bishnoi cartel, major criminal syndicates have restructured their operations around a low-cost and high-turnout model – recruiting youth not through traditional gang initiations, but as blind and compartmentalised contractors.</span></p><h2><span><strong>The compartmentalised contractor model</strong></span></h2><h3><span>Unlike traditional criminal gangs where recruits worked their way up a hierarchy, modern syndicates treat young operatives like gig-economy workers. Most of them never meet the mastermind, nor do they know the full blueprint of the hit.</span></h3><h3><span>Tasks are fragmented across different actors. Logistics handlers are given Rs 10,000 to Rs 20,000 to drop an unmarked package or rent an apartment under a false name.</span><span> </span><span>Shooters are provided with a target’s photograph, a weapon drop location and a promised payout, often around Rs 5 lakh, along with status symbols such as a Mahindra Scorpio or Tata Thar.</span><span> </span><span>Meanwhile, escape assets are tasked merely with picking up a runner at a designated intersection.</span></h3><h3><span>"</span><em><span>Babu, tu ye kar de. Do mahine mein bahar</span></em><span> (</span><span>Just do it, son. You will be out on bail in two months</span><span>)” has become the standard line handlers use to downplay the consequences. </span><span>For an 18-year-old with no criminal record, the offer can seem tempting because it promises instant prestige, quick cash and only a short stay in jail.</span><span> But in reality, the moment a trigger is pulled, the syndicate cuts all communications and leaves the youth to face full legal liability. The handler then moves on to the next recruit.</span></h3><h2><span><strong>Algorithm-driven glamour</strong></span></h2><h3><span>The recruitment pipeline makes extensive use of short-form video platforms and algorithmic reach. </span><span>Visuals of luxury SUVs, high-end firearms, bold Punjabi/Haryanvi tracks and displays of raw dominance create an illusion of invincibility.</span></h3><h3><span>The path often begins with local peer groups or school rivalries, where young men encounter social media feeds showcasing guns, SUVs and wealth. Some then take up small tasks involving transport or logistics. Their first arrest can expose them to prison networks and bring them into closer contact with established gangs.</span></h3><h3><span>Teenagers aged 16 to 18 gain instant social clout by associating themselves with this image. The entry point is rarely a request to commit violence. It starts with hanging around local gang leaders, driving branded SUVs or showing off access to illegal country-made arms (desi kattas). By the time they receive an assignment, they are deeply invested in the gang’s online image and reputation.</span></h3><h2><span><strong>Prisons as talent accelerators</strong></span></h2><p><span>When young offenders end up in custody, rehabilitation can take a back seat to prison networking. High-profile incidents, such as the murder of gangster Tillu Tajpuriya in Delhi’s Tihar Jail, show how strongly gang rivalries persist behind bars.</span></p><p><span>In high-security prisons, senior gang members offer newly arrived youths basic protection, access to banned goods or financial help with legal fees. This creates a sense of obligation. After release, the young men can become part of the gang’s network and get pulled into ongoing rivalries with rival groups.</span></p><h2><span><strong>Global franchising</strong></span></h2><p><span>This recruitment strategy has also spread to other countries.</span><span>Classified intelligence assessments reveal that overseas handlers leverage similar tactics against young Indian migrants, particularly students and contract workers in countries like Canada.</span></p><p><span>Isolated by financial stress, tuition debt and strict work constraints, vulnerable young migrants become targets for extortion support, surveillance or tactical assignments. </span><span>Individuals like Abhijeet Kingra, who entered Canada on a student visa before being accused of involvement in gang-directed shootings, illustrate how handlers thousands of miles away can exploit the financial struggles of young people abroad.</span></p><h2><span><strong>The human toll</strong></span></h2><p><span>While gang leaders operate behind encrypted channels and foreign addresses, the real burden lands squarely on the recruits' families.</span></p><p><span>After incidents such as the attack near singer Guru Randhawa’s gym in Delhi, allegedly involving the Bishnoi and Anil Pandit networks, the parents of accused youths (Sagar and Sahil) faced lengthy court battles, high legal fees and social isolation.</span></p><p><span>"They don’t make criminals, they rent children," said a senior police officer in Delhi. </span></p><p><span>Until law enforcement breaks the algorithmic charm of social media recruiters and disrupts prison-level onboarding, syndicates will continue to find an endless supply of young and disposable hands ready to take the fall.</span></p>

Young men are being lured into organised crime through promises of money, status and protection. From online displays of gangster lifestyles to prison networks that pull them deeper into rivalries, the recruitment process can leave young offenders facing years of legal battles while senior gang members continue to operate.

Gen Z’s underworld: Social media clout, quick money and guns – how youths are falling into criminal gang traps

Gen Z's underworld: Clout, guns and cash – how youths fall into gang traps

<div><span>US Secretary of State Marco Rubio will be in India on a two day visit, covering two major  cities, Mumbai and Jamnagar, described as the prominent strategic importance in contemporary India-US relations by the Secretary himself. Rubio, ahead of his visit, acknowledged India’s energy needs and Russian oil imports and remaked that every country has a complex set of factors that it has to take into account.</span></div><div><span>“Geography is real. For some countries, it's very difficult to acquire energy from alternative sources. That's not an excuse, but all of that has to be balanced when making foreign policy,” he said.</span></div><div><span>Rubio also said that US is “very close” to finalising a trade agreement with India.</span></div><div><span>But questions remain over whether the Washington is softening its approach or simply recalibrating its pressure on New Delhi?</span></div><h2><strong>A waiver, not a white flag</strong></h2><div><span>Days ahead of Rubio’s India visit US President Donald Trump temporarily waived tariff and sanctions provisions under the Lindsey O Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, giving Washington 60 days to assess the economic implications.</span></div><div><span>The legislation would have allowed tariffs of up to 100% on goods imported from the five largest buyers of Russian-origin crude oil or natural gas, including India and China.</span></div><div><span>Speaking in Uzbekistan, the Secretary said the administration needed to consider the impact of such measures on the US and global economies. He acknowledged that India had diversified its energy portfolio but could not immediately replace substantial Russian supplies.</span></div><div><span>India was also an important American ally and partner, he said, arguing that geography and access to alternative energy sources had to be considered in foreign policy decisions.</span></div><div><span>Former Indian ambassador Manjeev Singh Puri, welcomed the remarks but cautioned against interpreting them as a fundamental policy shift. He said that Wordsmithy is a necessary act of diplomacy and suggested that Rubio’s conciliatory language was appropriate ahead of his visit.</span></div><div><span>Puri argued that Washington continued to pursue its own interests, while recognising that India remained important to the US.</span></div><div><span>He welcomed the waiver but hoped the administration would maintain the same approach after the 60-day period.</span></div><div><span>The relief, however, is temporary. The underlying legislation remains in force, leaving Washington with the option of reinstating the duties.</span></div><div><span>The waiver must also be distinguished from tariff relief under a bilateral trade agreement. While the former concerns penalties linked to Russian energy purchases, the latter involves the broader terms of trade between the two countries. Both can nevertheless influence negotiations.</span></div><h2><span>The Russian oil double standard</span></h2><div><span>Washington’s position has raised questions about the consistency of its approach to Russian energy.</span></div><div><span>Trump recently announced an agreement under which Russia would supply more than 300,000 tonnes of diesel immediately, followed by additional shipments. The move came amid concerns over fuel prices and domestic supply in the US.</span></div><div><span>Former Indian diplomat KP Fabian argued that Washington’s own decision to purchase Russian energy undermined the logic of penalising other countries for doing the same.</span></div><div><span>“The US has decided to buy oil from Russia, and therefore, if you want to follow logic, the US should sanction itself,” Fabian said. “So if the US itself is buying, how can the US sanction India?”</span></div><div><span>For Fabian, Rubio’s remarks do not amount to a recognition or rejection of India’s strategic autonomy. Instead, they expose the tension between Washington’s pressure on Russian energy buyers and its own commercial requirements.</span></div><div><span>Rubio has also cited wider geopolitical pressures, including the Russia-Ukraine war, attacks on energy infrastructure and escalating tensions involving Saudi Arabia and the Houthi militia, as factors affecting global supplies and prices.</span></div><div><span>US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on the contrary said Washington had asked European allies to join it in imposing secondary tariffs on India and China over Russian oil purchases, but they had refused.</span></div><div><span>“So why should the US bear the burden?” Bessent asked.</span></div><div><span>The dispute highlights the limits of using economic pressure to influence India’s energy choices.</span></div><div><span>New Delhi has increased purchases from other suppliers, but replacing Russian crude is not simply a political decision; prices, availability and energy security also matter.</span></div><div><span>Rubio’s acknowledgement of these constraints is significant. Whether it leads to a lasting change in policy remains uncertain.</span></div><h2><span>Trade deal: Close, but not quite there</span></h2><div><span>Rubio’s claim that a trade deal is close to finalisation has raised expectations ahead of his visit. However, previous indications that an agreement was imminent have yet to produce a completed deal.</span></div><div><span>Fabian urged caution, pointing out that similar assurances had been made before.</span></div><div><span>“We have been told many a time that a trade deal is almost finalised. It’s imminent and all that. But till now, that has not been the case,” he said.</span></div><div><span>He also questioned whether Rubio’s discussions with External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar would resolve the outstanding trade issues, arguing that Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal was the appropriate counterpart for negotiations.</span></div><div><span>Puri sugested that substantial progress had already been made and that an agreement could emerge soon. He added that keeping expectations measured was part of managing the political dimension of negotiations.</span></div><div><span>The tariff waiver may improve the negotiating atmosphere, but the possibility of renewed duties leaves India vulnerable to further pressure. Progress on trade and the future of the waiver will therefore remain separate, though closely connected, tests of the relationship.</span></div><h2><span>Jamnagar and meeting with business leaders</span></h2><div><span>Rubio’s planned visit to Jamnagar brings energy cooperation and commercial investment into focus.</span></div><div><span>Speaking to ANI, foreign affairs expert Robinder Sachdev suggested that the visit could be linked to Reliance Industries’ proposed refinery investment in Brownsville, Texas. In March 2026, Trump announced a $300 billion partnership with Reliance for the “America First Refining” project. Sachdev clarified that the headline figure was not the refinery investment itself, which he estimated at around $5 billion.</span></div><div><span>Sachdev speculated that Washington could be seeking a formal announcement on the project, allowing Trump to highlight investment and job creation ahead of the US midterm elections. He also suggested that it could provide political talking points for Republicans in Texas. These are his assessments of the possible motivations behind the visit, not confirmed reasons for Rubio’s itinerary.</span></div><div><span>Puri also linked the Jamnagar stop to American oil interests and Reliance’s investment plans.</span></div><div><span>The US Department of State has said Rubio will meet business leaders to promote commercial investment and economic cooperation, alongside discussions on energy and strategic ties.</span></div><div><span>Sachdev believes Washington is placing greater emphasis on commercial deals, with trade negotiations and the strategic partnership increasingly treated as separate, though connected, tracks.</span></div><div><span>For India, this could create opportunities if discussions produce concrete investment commitments. But it also raises a broader question: is Washington strengthening the partnership on its strategic merits, or increasingly measuring engagement by the economic benefits it can secure?</span></div><h2><span>A reset or the usual playbook?</span></h2><div><span>Rubio’s visit offers an opportunity to stabilise relations, but neither expert sees sufficient grounds to declare a fundamental shift in Washington’s approach.</span></div><div><span>Fabian believes the US continues to seek concessions from New Delhi, while expressing confidence in India’s ability to manage the pressure through diplomacy.</span></div><div><span>“I don’t think Washington has stopped trying to extract more and more concessions from India,” he said.</span></div><div><span>Ex-ambassador Puri, meanwhile, rejected the idea that the relationship was undergoing a clear transition. Both countries, he argued, continue to pursue their national interests, while the importance of their partnership repeatedly draws Washington towards engagement with New Delhi.</span></div><div><span>That may be the central calculation behind Rubio’s visit. The US has reasons to preserve its relationship with India, but domestic economic priorities and geopolitical considerations can also shape its decisions. The tariff waiver, American purchases of Russian diesel and the prospect of commercial investment all illustrate these competing pressures.</span></div><div><span>For India, the visit will be more about whether it delivers tangible progress on trade, greater predictability over energy-related penalties and stronger cooperation on shared strategic priorities.</span></div><div> </div><div> </div>

Between temporary sanction waivers and the lure of a landmark trade deal, Marco Rubio’s high-stakes India visit tests whether Washington is genuinely softening its stance on India or simply playing a  leverage.

‘Oil’s well that ends well’? Russian crude, tariff waivers and Rubio’s visit test India-US ties

‘Oil’s well that ends well’? Russian crude, tariff waivers and Rubio’s visit

<p><strong>CJP Delhi Protest Live Updates</strong>: Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) has called for a 'Lehra Do Tiranga’ protest at the Central Park in Connaught Place, ahead of the CJP’s protest security across the national capital has been tightened, while traffic disruptions are expected from 3 pm. </p><p>The New Delhi Municipal Council announced that Central Park would remain closed on October 16 and 17, while a prohibitory order under Section 163 of the BNSS was in force in the area. </p><p>The Supreme Court declined to issue urgent directions against the proposed protest and listed a traders’ plea for October 26, with the Chief Justice of India calling for “better sense” to prevail. </p><p>Separately, the Delhi High Court recorded police assurances that all possible legal measures would be taken to address concerns over the protest and listed a street vendor’s plea for November 3.</p>

CJP Delhi Protest Live Updates: CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke defended the party’s planned ‘Lehra Do Tiranga’ protest at Delhi’s Central Park, calling demands for government accountability democratic while traders warned of business losses amid heightened security and traffic curbs.

CJP Delhi protest live updates: Connaught Place deserted, security beefed up across central Delhi amid protest

<p>In the viral video, a person is shown setting up a miniature paan shop in a running AC train coach on a lower berth. Instead of sleeping on the berth, this vendor has covered his seat with a cloth, kept all his ingredients ready, and started making fresh paans for other passengers in the same moving train.</p><h2><strong>Details inside the viral train AC coach paan video</strong></h2><p>The video, first posted on X by the user @indiain24hr, shows the vendor sitting and carefully making multiple paans in a 3rd AC coach.</p><p>According to the passenger who had recorded the video, the vendor had received an order for making 20 to 25 paans from fellow passengers during the train journey between Mumbai and Chhattisgarh.</p><p>All the surrounding passengers had stared at the vendor in utter disbelief as he started selling paans from a moving train, which had turned into an impromptu betel leaf shop.</p><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">INDIAN RAILWAYS : A man was reportedly seen preparing and selling paan inside a 3rd AC train coach while passengers placed orders. The incident has raised concerns about unauthorised vending and cleanliness inside railway coaches. https://t.co/PONZ7el3Yu</p><p>— indiainlast24hr (@indiain24hr) <a href="https://x.com/indiain24hr/status/2110603718974669291?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 15, 2026</a></p></blockquote><h2><strong>Cleanliness and railway rules in discussion</strong></h2><p>Although the video has entertained many viewers online, it has also raised many discussions on cleanliness and rules of railway travel online.</p><p>Issues of cleanliness: Another criticism was directed towards train berths being places where one sits and sleeps, and thus, they were not suitable locations for handling and preparing food items.</p><p>Issues of railway regulations: The online community was unsure whether it was illegal to sell things without permission from Indian Railways in an AC compartment.</p><p>As of today, Indian Railways has not officially responded to the matter. The video is still gaining more views while people argue about the limits of the jugaad culture.</p>

A viral video shows a man setting up a makeshift paan shop on a lower berth inside a train AC coach, sparking a massive debate online over rules and hygiene.

Man sets up paan shop inside train AC coach: Bizarre viral video sparks online debate

Man sets up paan shop inside train AC coach: Viral video sparks online debate

<p><span><strong>Meerut:</strong> When sentencing Muskan Rastogi and her partner Sahil Shukla to death for the gruesome murder of Saurabh Rajput, a court in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut bridged centuries of legal principles by juxtaposing Supreme Court rulings on crime’s impact on society with an ancient Mahabharata verse on justice and social order.</span></p><p><span>District and Sessions Judge Arvind Kumar Mishra referred to both while explaining the reasoning behind the sentence in the case, which is also known as the Meerut blue drum case.</span> </p><p><span>The court convicted the two of killing Saurabh Rajput, the woman’s husband, and destroying evidence. The sentence was pronounced on October 14, 2026.  Fines of Rs 50,000 each for murder and Rs 20,000 each for causing the disappearance of evidence were also imposed on the duo.</span></p><p><span>The two references serve different purposes in the order. The Supreme Court ruling deals with the responsibilities of criminal courts and the effect of crime on society. The Mahabharata verse uses the relationship between a forest and a tiger to explain why society and the system of law need one another.</span></p><h2><span><strong>What SC judgment says about crime</strong></span></h2><p><span>The Meerut court referred to 2025 landmark judgment of the Supreme Court in </span><em><span>Edakkandi Dineshan alias P. Dineshan vs. State of Kerala,</span></em><span> whrein the apex court said courts must balance the interests of the accused with those of the state and society while carrying out their duties. </span><em><span> </span></em></p><p><span>The passage cited in the Meerut court’s order addresses the consequences of criminal acts. It says crime can create fear in society and harm social consciousness. The reasoning describes criminal justice as a means of protecting human dignity, restoring order and stability and building public trust and solidarity.</span></p><p><span>It also sets out a responsibility for courts to consider the rights of the accused along with the interests of the state and society. This means sentencing is part of the court’s larger legal responsibility. </span></p><h2><span><strong>The Mahabharata verse on law and society</strong></span></h2><p><span>The judge in Meerut also referred to a verse from the Mahabharata to explain the connection between society and the rules that govern it. The Sanskrit verse reads:</span></p><p><em><span>निर्वनो वध्यते व्याघ्रो निर्व्याघ्रं छिद्यते वनम्।</span></em><br><em><span>तस्माद्व्याघ्रो वनं रक्षेद्वनं व्याघ्रं च पालयेत्॥</span></em></p><p><span>It compares a forest without a tiger to a tiger without a forest. In the interpretation set out in the court order, the forest represents society and the tiger represents law or punishment.</span></p><p><span>The analogy explains that law needs society to exist, while society needs law to protect people and maintain order. The verse describes how law must protect society and how society must uphold the law.</span></p><p><span>The reference uses an ancient text to explain a principle relevant to a modern criminal court. The judgment uses the verse to describe why legal rules and the society they govern cannot be treated as separate from each other.</span></p><h2><span><strong>The case behind the sentence</strong></span></h2><p><span>Saurabh Rajput, a former Merchant Navy officer, was killed in March 2025. His body was dismembered and concealed in a blue plastic drum filled with cement. The discovery of the mortal remains led to the investigation that resulted in Muskan and Sahil’s arrest.</span></p><p><span>A total of 22 prosecution witnesses testified during the trial, which concluded after more than 100 hearings. Both convicts appeared before the court through video conferencing when the sentence was pronounced.</span></p>

The court cited a 2025 Supreme Court judgment and a Sanskrit verse comparing a forest and a tiger to explain the relationship between criminal punishment, public safety and the rule of law.

Meerut blue drum case: Why Did judge invoke Mahabharata and SC in Muskan-Sahil death sentence?

Meerut blue drum case: Why judge cited Mahabharata, SC in death sentence

<p><span><strong>New Delhi:</strong> A military drone can become outdated within weeks on the battlefields of Ukraine. A new design appears, soldiers test it in combat, the enemy finds a way to counter it and manufacturers must return to the drawing board. The cycle has become so fast that the ability to produce the next version is as important as the weapon in use on the battlefield.</span></p><p><span>The war between Russia and Ukraine, which began with Moscow’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, has turned military innovation into a contest between combat troops, technology developers and factories. The experience offers lessons for India, where the ability to produce equipment at scale and respond to battlefield feedback will be crucial to preparing for future confrontations.</span></p><p><span>An analysis by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace describes how Ukraine has developed a system in which operational experience feeds directly into military technology and production. The traditional process of setting requirements, inviting tenders, developing equipment, conducting trials and inducting it into service can take years. Rapidly changing combat conditions leave less time for such lengthy cycles. </span></p><h2><span><strong>Battlefield, a testing ground</strong></span></h2><p><span>Ukraine’s use of drones shows how fast military requirements can change. Small unmanned aircraft are used for surveillance, target identification, attacks and interception. Their performance also depends on how effectively they can operate against electronic interference and the enemy’s countermeasures.</span></p><p><span>According to data cited in the analysis, Kyiv was producing around 1,500 interceptor drones a day by January 2026. Ukraine’s former Commander-in-Chief General Oleksandr Syrskyi has said Russia plans to manufacture approximately 20,000 drones everyday. These estimates refer to different production categories and should not be treated as a direct comparison of equivalent systems.</span></p><p><span>The scale of production is important because drones are frequently lost during operations, while changes in battlefield tactics can reduce the usefulness of existing designs. Armies need a continuous supply of replacements and the ability to introduce improved versions without waiting for an entirely new procurement cycle.</span></p><p><span>Ukraine has also built a digital system to connect battlefield activity with military planning. Its Delta platform combines information from drones, intelligence sources, sensors, satellites and reports from personnel into a shared operational picture. This helps commanders track developments and pass useful information to units making decisions on the ground. </span></p><h2><span><strong>Soldiers are part of design process</strong></span></h2><p><span>Ukraine’s approach depends on direct communication between combat units and the people developing their equipment. Some units have repair facilities, small production workshops and teams that test modifications to existing systems. Volunteer groups and civilian technology specialists also contribute to the process.</span></p><p><span>This allows lessons from one engagement to reach developers and manufacturers without having to pass through several layers of administrative approval. A component that fails in combat can be replaced, while a design that performs well can be modified and produced in larger numbers.</span></p><p><span>The industrial structure has also become more flexible. Small production facilities can operate at different locations and reduce dependence on a single factory. The model offers some protection against attacks on manufacturing infrastructure and can bring assembly and repairs closer to the troops who need them.</span></p><p><span>The lesson is that a weapon’s performance depends on the system supporting it. Production capacity, access to components, maintenance and the speed at which manufacturers receive feedback all influence how long a technological advantage lasts.</span></p><h2><span><strong>Russia’s system of adaptation</strong></span></h2><p><span>Moscow’s experience shows a different route to the same destination. Its initial invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 exposed problems with planning, coordination and the ability of lower-level commanders to respond to unexpected developments.</span></p><p><span>It subsequently increased its defence production and studied battlefield experience to improve its equipment and tactics. Dara Massicot, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has examined the country’s efforts to learn from its failures and change how its forces operate. Her research describes a military that has adapted its methods during the war and invested in the industrial capacity needed to support those changes. </span></p><p><span>Russian forces have increased their use of Geran attack drones, first-person-view drones and fibre-optic models. Fibre-optic drones use a physical cable to transmit control signals and video to make them less vulnerable to some forms of radio-frequency jamming. </span></p><p><span>Their deployment illustrates how the spread of electronic warfare has encouraged the development of alternative ways to control unmanned systems.</span></p><p><span>Moscow’s experience also shows how large-scale manufacturing can support military adaptation once a requirement has been identified. Standardised designs and production lines allow the armed forces to replenish stocks and deploy modified equipment across multiple units.</span></p><p><span><strong>What India needs to change</strong></span></p><p><span>India needs better coordination between its armed forces, defence labs, private manufacturers and technology start-ups. The country has built up its domestic drone industry and introduced programmes to encourage defence innovation. </span></p><p><span>In March 2026, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) said that 676 start-ups, micro, small and medium enterprises and innovators had joined the defence innovation ecosystem through the Innovations for Defence Excellence programme. It also announced procurement clearance for 58 prototypes worth Rs 3,853 crore.</span></p><p><span>The next step proposed in the analysis is a system that collects information from actual operations and uses it to improve equipment. A joint programme involving the MoD and industry could build a drone-performance database, documenting successful interceptions, equipment failures and the conditions in which systems were used.</span></p><p><span>Such a database would need to feed into military command structures so that lessons from operations could guide product development and procurement. It would also help manufacturers identify which systems require immediate modification and which are ready for larger orders.</span></p><p><span>The proposal also calls for an organisation dedicated to autonomous operations under theatre commanders, along with changes to procurement rules. India’s planned theatre-based command structure is intended to improve coordination among the services. Integrating unmanned systems into this structure would require defined responsibilities for their deployment, maintenance, data collection and technical upgrades.</span></p><p><span>Integrating unmanned systems into this structure would require defined responsibilities for their deployment, maintenance, data collection and technical upgrades. Equipment that performs well in one setting may need changes before it can be used effectively elsewhere. The Army’s recent procurement of 225 first-person-view drones after high-altitude trials illustrates the need to test systems in the conditions in which they may be deployed.</span></p><p><span>Integrating unmanned systems into this structure would require specific duties for their deployment, maintenance, data collection and technical upgrades. The aim is to reduce the time between identifying a battlefield requirement and delivering equipment that meets it.</span></p>

In the Russia-Ukraine war, drones become obsolete in weeks. Here is why Ukraines fast battlefield adaptation and Russias mass production offer a wake-up call for Indias defense sector.

Why India’s next war drone could be useless in 14 days: The lethal lesson from Ukraine

Build fast or die: The brutal drone warfare reality India can no longer ignore

<p>Police in Bihar’s Madhepura district have arrested a man for allegedly murdering his minor daughter over her romantic relationship and throwing her body into a nearby river after stuffing it into a sack.</p><p>The accused, identified as Dinesh Yadav, was arrested in connection with the incident in Goraraha village under the jurisdiction of Shankarpur police station. According to police, he allegedly killed his daughter because he disapproved of her relationship. A search is underway to recover the body from the river, according to the report of Aaj Tak.</p><p><strong>How did police crack the case?</strong></p><p>According to the information available, Yadav had initially lodged a missing-person complaint at the police station, claiming that his daughter had gone to the fields to collect grass but had not returned home by late evening.</p><p>Police subsequently launched an investigation into the disappearance. During the probe, investigators found inconsistencies in statements given by family members, prompting them to intensify their inquiries.</p><p>The investigation took a significant turn after the girl’s younger sister reportedly shared crucial information about the incident. This led police to suspect the father’s involvement.</p><p>During questioning, Yadav allegedly confessed that he was upset over his daughter’s romantic relationship. In a fit of anger, he allegedly slit her throat with a dabiya (a sharp agricultural cutting tool), killing her. He then put the body in a sack and disposed of it in a nearby river, police said.</p><p><strong>What did the DSP say?</strong></p><p>Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Chetananand Jha said police had launched a detailed investigation after receiving the missing-person complaint. The probe was intensified after discrepancies emerged in the statements of family members, Aaj Tak reported.</p><p>Following the information provided by the girl’s younger sister, police conducted raids and arrested the accused father, Jha said.</p><p>Meanwhile, search operations are continuing to locate the girl’s body in the river. Police are making efforts to recover it, after which further legal proceedings and investigation will follow.</p>

Bihar Police arrested a man for allegedly murdering his minor daughter over her romantic relationship and dumping her body in a nearby river in Madhepura district.

Bihar: Father arrested for allegedly killing minor daughter over relationship, dumping body in river

Bihar: Father arrested for allegedly killing minor daughter over relationship

<p><span><strong>New Delhi:</strong> A fly has joined the political party business, at least on Instagram. The satirical Makhi Janta Party (MJP) has emerged online following Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s “hammer to kill a fly” comment. It is seeking a social media following and possible coordination with the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP).</span></p><p><span>The MJP claimed on Tuesday (October 13) that it had crossed 40 lakh views and 3.3 lakh followers on Instagram within 72 hours. Its page identifies a student named Aaryan as its founder and has posted a story inviting people to apply for spokesperson roles.</span></p><p><span>The account has changed its identity several times before adopting its present name. The page was crated in June 2021 and changed its username eight times before adopting the handle makhijantaparty.ig.</span></p><h2><span><strong>The observation that gave the fly its moment</strong></span></h2><p><span>The MJP traces its name to an oral observation made by the CJI during a hearing on October 9. The bench was hearing a challenge to an administrative decision to shut down public transport across Delhi ahead of a CJP protest planned for October 10.</span></p><p><span>The court said the authorities could regulate transport for security reasons, but questioned the need to bring the entire system to a halt. “One can regulate but it is completely different to put a halt on everything… you cannot stop everything,” the bench observed. </span></p><p><span>It also said the authorities could not use a “hammer to kill a fly (makkhi)”.</span></p><p><span>The MJP soon turned the analogy into its own slogan. “Jab CJI ne hi kaha - ‘Can’t use hammer to kill a fly!’ </span><em><span>ab to makkhi bhi bolegi hum bhi kisi se kum nahi</span></em><span> (When the CJI himself says, 'Can't use a hammer to kill a fly!', now even the fly will say that it is no less than anyone else),” read on of the posts on the page. </span></p><p><span>It is an obvious nod to the CJP, mirroring how the pressure group itself first built its brand off a court observation. The MJP has since said it is trying to contact the CJP to explore common ground or coordinated action, subject to both sides agreeing.</span></p><h2><span><strong>MJP backs Neha Bora</strong></span></h2><p><span>The MJP has also expressed solidarity with Neha Bora, a member of the All India Students’ Association (AISA), who has been protesting against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.</span></p><p><span>In a statement on Instagram, the group praised her “courage and determination”. It said that questioning those in authority and demanding accountability were essential parts of democracy.</span></p><p><span>The MJP also acknowledged that the recent protest had taken place without the required permission from the authorities. It called on citizens to exercise their right to protest responsibly and in accordance with the law.</span></p><p><span>In a separate statement issued on Tuesday, Aaryan, who described himself as the MJP’s founding president, questioned the detention of CJP leaders Ashutosh Ranka and Saurav Das. The two were detained after breaching the designated protest area at Jantar Mantar and hoisting the Indian flag.</span></p><p><span>The MJP argued that a protest site should allow demonstrators to reach the public and make their views heard. “So what is the point of a protest site if people can’t make their voices heard where it matters?” the statement asked.</span></p><p><span>“Democracy needs dialogue, not distance,” it added, reiterating the party’s support for peaceful demonstrations, democratic rights and public participation.</span></p><p><span>The statement shows the MJP’s attempt to establish a place for itself in the debate over protest rights. Its proposed coordination with the CJP could bring the two satirical outfits onto a common platform, though no agreement has been announced.</span></p><h2><span><strong>How the cockroach became a protest symbol</strong></span></h2><p><span>The CJP began as a satirical response to controversy over the use of the word “cockroaches” for a section of youth. Its online identity subsequently became associated with street protests and demands for political accountability.</span></p><p><span>The movement also featured in demonstrations at Jantar Mantar in July over alleged examination irregularities. Those protests took place as demands mounted for Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan to resign. He later stepped down.</span></p><p><span>The MJP is now seeking attention through a similar blend of satire and public protest. Its Instagram reach and follower count have not been independently verified, while its proposed coordination with the CJP is still at the outreach stage.</span></p>

Its page identifies a student named Aaryan as its founder and has posted a story inviting people to apply for spokesperson roles.

Move over cockroaches: The 'Makhi Janta Party' has landed, and it wants a seat at the table

Move over, cockroaches: The ‘Makhi Janta Party’ wants in

<p><span><strong>Itanagar:</strong> A proposed 11,200-MW dam project in Arunachal Pradesh has set off a fierce standoff in the Siang Valley. Local Adi tribes are blocking security forces and survey teams over fears that the mega-dam will submerge their lands, homes and ancestral livelihoods.</span></p><p><span>The protests have intensified in recent weeks over the issue that has divided Arunachal Pradesh for years. On October 10, four residents were detained under the Arunachal Pradesh Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 2014. It led to demonstrations in Geku, in Upper Siang district, with protesters demanding their release. The youth wing of the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF) also called for a boycott of government consultations on the project. </span></p><p><span>The state administration has cited his alleged involvement in violence, arson and damage to public and private property while defending the preventive detention orders. The dispute had turned violent in late September, during Chief Minister Pema Khandu’s visit to the region.</span></p><p><span>Protesters attacked a local MLA’s residence and set a police vehicle on fire. Clashes broke out again on October 4, following claims that protesters set fires and security personnel used excessive force.</span></p><p><span>The deployment of security forces to facilitate survey work has become a major point of contention. Residents have opposed the movement of machinery and personnel into the affected area, arguing that the process is proceeding without their consent. </span></p><p><span>The government’s effort to prepare a pre-feasibility report has therefore become the immediate test of whether officials can carry out fieldwork while addressing the objections of the people living around the proposed site. </span></p><p><span>Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, who is from Arunachal Pradesh, called for talks with senior members of the Adi community on October 8. “If we sit down and talk, technically, everything will be clear. We have to talk. We have to move forward,” he said.</span></p><h2><span><strong>A dam project that has divided parties across govts</strong></span></h2><p><span>The Siang dispute has crossed several governments and political eras. In August 2010, Ojing Tasing, then chairman of the Siang Peoples’ Forum and a prominent opponent of large dams, met the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government’s Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh in New Delhi to seek the scrapping of hydropower projects in the river basin. The meeting followed a police raid at his residence in Itanagar.</span></p><p><span>He later wrote to then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about the objections raised during a public consultation in Guwahati. Some groups, he said, argued that Arunachal Pradesh should not become “a pawn in the race between India and China”.</span></p><p><span>Opposition to large dams also found an ally in BJP leader and former Rajya Sabha MP Tarun Vijay. In May 2012, he challenged the suggestion that people opposing projects might be acting at China’s behest. </span></p><p><span>“If people from China are indeed instigating an agitation… the government has an even greater responsibility to send a Union minister to speak to those people,” he told the Rajya Sabha.</span></p><p><span>Campaigning in Pasighat in February 2014, before becoming prime minister, Narendra Modi acknowledged local opposition to large dams and favoured smaller hydropower projects that would protect the environment.</span></p><p><span>Political leaders have since changed their stand on the Siang project. Arunachal Pradesh Congress Committee President Bosiram Siram argued in a memorandum submitted in July that China’s upstream projects should not take precedence over the free, prior and informed consent of tribal communities. </span></p><p><span>In September, Indian Youth Congress National General Secretary Tarh Johny called the state and central governments’ approach “dictatorship” and demanded transparency and meaningful consultation.</span></p><p><span>Khandu, whose BJP government now backs the project, said on September 21 that he had instructed the chief secretary to take action against government employees opposing it.</span></p><p><span>Tasing has also moved to the other side of the debate. Now Arunachal Pradesh’s rural development and Panchayati Raj minister and a close ally of CM Khandu, he has defended the dam on strategic grounds. “If we don’t construct our dam, what will be the impact on us if China uses its dam as a water bomb on India?” he said.</span></p><h2><span><strong>China’s dam plans upend regional security</strong></span></h2><p><span>The project’s supporters cite China’s plans for the Yarlung Tsangpo, the name given to the Siang upstream in Tibet. India first proposed harnessing the Siang and Subansiri rivers in 1982, before Brijig’s plans became the defining strategic argument in the debate.</span></p><p><span>In 2002, India and China agreed on a system for Beijing to share hydrological data during the flood season. A year later, the Union government launched a national initiative to develop 50,000 MW of hydropower, with around 27,000 MW envisaged from Arunachal Pradesh.</span></p><p><span>In 2011, the government informed Parliament about a Chinese run-of-the-river project upstream of the Siang and called for Arunachal Pradesh and Assam to harness the Brahmaputra’s waters. India raised objections to additional Chinese projects in 2013.</span></p><p><span>In 2017, NITI Aayog proposed combining the planned Siang Upper Stage-I and Stage-II projects into one large storage project. That proposal developed into the present 11,200-MW plan. </span></p><p><span>In 2008, the government declared the 9,500-MW Siang Upper project a National Project. A year later, the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) split it into two stages of 6,000 MW and 3,750 MW to limit the area that would be submerged.</span></p><p><span>China has prepared plans for a much larger project. Beijing approved a 60,000-MW hydropower project on the lower Yarlung Tsangpo in December 2024. The project comprises five cascade power stations and is intended to use a steep section of the river near the Indian border, where the elevation drops nearly 2,000 metres over 50 km.</span></p><p><span>Indian officials and supporters of the Siang project cite the Chinese development while arguing for greater control over downstream water resources. The possibility of sudden releases and changes in river flows has prompted calls for a large storage facility in Arunachal Pradesh.</span></p><p><span>Experts question whether building a dam would secure India’s position under international water law. Himanshu Thakkar, coordinator of the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People, argued that international law offered little basis for claiming a “first user right”. He said India should seek details of China’s project and consider a joint assessment of its effects rather than push ahead with a dam against the wishes of local communities.</span></p><h2><span><strong>Dispute begins with land</strong></span></h2><p><span>The project’s possible effects go beyond power generation and water security. The Adi community’s objections relate to the future of villages, agricultural land and a way of life built around the Siang.</span></p><p><span><sub>The Adi community’s objections relate to the future of villages, agricultural land and a way of life sustained by the Siang. A Bogum Bokang Kebang, a supreme council that brings together Adi clans to address major collective issues, is rare. In August 2025, the community held one in Geku after a gap of 25 years. The gathering opposed the proposed dam and the studies being conducted for it.</sub></span></p><p><span>According to the SIFF, the proposed reservoir could submerge 27 villages, affect dozens of others and displace between 1 lakh and 1.5 lakh indigenous people. The affected areas include paddy fields, orchards and land used for jhum cultivation, all of which support local livelihoods.</span></p><p><span>The Adi relationship with the land also has a spiritual dimension. The community regards the land as belonging to Abo Tani, its primordial ancestor, and reveres Ane Siang or Mother Siang as a source of cultural identity. Residents who oppose the dam fear displacement would mean losing places and traditions passed down through generations.</span></p><p><span>Fears about the loss of cultural life and the right to make decisions about their future are major reasons behin opposition to large dams. Ecological and seismic risks are also real.</span></p><p><span>The Siang dam row pits India’s strategic interests over China’s hydropower plans against local fears of displacement and loss of control over ancestral land. Decades of opposition and the detention of four residents have made the government’s push for preliminary studies more contentious.</span></p>

How China’s 60,000-MW Yarlung Tsangpo project forced a political U-turn in Arunachal Pradesh, leading to violent anti-dam protests and detentions among indigenous Adi tribes in the Siang Valley.

China’s mega-dam and Arunachal’s political U-turn: Why Siang valley is up in arms again

China’s mega-dam, Arunachal’s U-turn: Why Siang valley is up in arms again

<p>Founders and leaders of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), namely Abhijit Dipke, Saurabh Das, and Ashutosh Ranka, recently came into the limelight due to arrests in demonstrations in New Delhi. Given the continued popularity of this viral political satire Gen-Z movement that attracts massive youth participation and discussion online, much interest has been generated around the career background and financial lifelines of CJP leaders.</p><h2><strong>Professional background and career of CJP leaders</strong></h2><p>The team behind the movement consists of people with varied professional experience and credentials, spanning the areas of public policy and investigative journalism.</p><p><strong>Abhijit Dipke</strong>: The founder and national convenor of CJP is a political communications strategist who has an MS degree in public relations from Boston University. Prior to founding CJP, Dipke was working as an advisor to the digital media wing of Aam Aadmi Party and as a communications consultant in the education department of the Delhi government.</p><p><strong>Saurabh Das</strong>: He serves as the co-convener and chief spokesperson for the movement and is an independent investigative journalist and RTI activist earning from freelance work in journalism and media commentary.</p><p><strong>Ashutosh Ranka</strong>: He serves as the co-convener and chief policy strategist of the CJP and has been educated at IIT Kanpur and has earlier served as a consultant for McKinsey based in London. Also, he has been associated with the Delhi Assembly Fellowship Program.</p><h2><strong>How is the finances of the Cockroach Janta Party organised?</strong></h2><p>There are usually questions pertaining to the financial organization of the unregistered movement which come up during any big political rally. According to the statements of the leaders of the movement, the movement mainly financed itself by means of the savings of the people and their individual contributions while it was in its online phase.</p><p>The leaders of the CJP have always been clear about the fact that the movement does not have any registered corporate bank accounts or financing from any institutions.</p>

Explore the professional backgrounds, education, and funding sources of Cockroach Janta Party leaders Abhijit Dipke, Saurabh Das, and Ashutosh Ranka.

Abhijit Dipke, Saurabh Das, or Ashutosh Ranka: Inside the professional backgrounds

Abhijit Dipke, Saurabh Das, or Ashutosh Ranka: Inside the professional backgrounds and funding of CJP leaders

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